Will Al-Sharaa Renew His Relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood or Exclude Them from the Political Scene?

Jordanian writer Hazaa Al-Barari stated that the foundational and ideological commonalities between the Muslim Brotherhood and Ahmad Al-Sharaa’s organization are numerous and essential. For a long time, their ideological and strategic approaches were almost identical. However, Al-Sharaa’s jihadist takfiri presence, marked by the “al-Joulani” era, has been the most prominent feature of his trajectory—from his transitions between Al-Qaeda and ISIS to his leadership of the Al-Nusra Front in Syria, and eventually to the formation of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. With the dramatic fall of Damascus, “Al-Joulani” suddenly disappeared, and in his place, “Ahmad Al-Sharaa” emerged, making a sharp and rapid shift in strategy in an attempt to reposition himself. However, this transformation resembles fast food: convenient in the short term but unhealthy in the medium term and harmful in the long run. While the cooking method has changed, the ingredients remain the same.

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In an article published on the local Ammon website, Al-Barari added that the Muslim Brotherhood welcomed the fall of Assad’s regime and the rise of Al-Sharaa, with his European sophistication and Turkish “programming,” with great relief and joy. They likely believed that their long struggle against the former regime, which spanned decades, had finally been resolved in their favor and that Turkish sponsorship, in one way or another, was also Brotherhood sponsorship. They assumed that Syria had finally fallen under their influence. However, this joy was overshadowed by concerns over the complexities of the current era, the widespread chaos in the region, the multiplicity of power centers in Syria, and the intertwining and conflicting interests of allies and opponents. These factors made their victory celebration cautious and uncertain.

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Al-Barari further explained that Al-Charaa inaugurated his new phase with a series of measures and statements that left the Muslim Brotherhood in a state of uncertainty, if not discomfort. He explicitly declared that Syria would not enter into conflict or war with Israel, even as Israeli tanks advanced toward Damascus. He also announced the cessation of support for the resistance, along with a completely antagonistic stance toward Iran and Hezbollah—an approach that starkly contrasts with the Brotherhood’s position on Gaza, Hezbollah, and Iran.

The Jordanian writer pointed out that the Muslim Brotherhood is experiencing what can be described as a near-revolution, if not a complete upheaval, of their ideology and strategy. It is increasingly evident, despite some hesitation, that Al-Sharaa seeks to establish a civil state rather than a religious one based on Sharia law. This shift contradicts the Brotherhood’s fundamental goals and declared doctrine, further intensifying their anxiety and suspicion. They had briefly believed that Damascus was under their control.

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Al-Barari concluded by mentioning that in March, Al-Sharaa received a delegation from the International Union of Muslim Scholars, led by Sheikh Ali Al-Qaradaghi. Very little information was released about this visit, and the Syrian presidency issued no statement. However, the importance of this meeting stems from the historical relationship between Syria and the Muslim Brotherhood. The timing and semi-secret nature of the visit, along with the lack of information about the discussions, all confirm the Brotherhood’s underlying uncertainty and discomfort regarding Al-Sharaa’s transformations, his openness to Arab and Western regimes, and his overt pragmatism, which deeply unsettles them.

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