Damascus’ efforts to win over the Alawites do not dispel their fears

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The Syrian government is seeking to grant amnesty to people who were drawn into violence last March and to provide limited economic assistance to the Alawite community as a whole.

Alawites in Syria live in fear despite the tolerance shown by the current government after years of civil war that ended with the fall of former President Bashar al-Assad last December.

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Deeb, an Alawite, went into hiding for weeks after Alawite gunmen staged an uprising in March against the new Islamist-led Syrian government. He did not carry a weapon and helped protect government security forces. The pro-Assad uprising left more than 200 security personnel dead and triggered days of retaliatory violence, leaving Deeb in constant fear.

Operations carried out by government-aligned forces killed nearly 1,500 Alawites and forced tens of thousands to flee for their lives. These developments shattered the already fragile relationship between the Alawites — al-Assad’s community — and the new authorities.

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Since then, the new government has tried to repair the damage by granting amnesty to people like Deeb and others drawn into the March violence, while offering limited economic assistance to the Alawite community in general.

A team from the government committee formed to oversee this process supervised the effort in the coastal provinces of Latakia and Tartous, speaking with dozens of Alawites who received assistance and with 15 former Alawite security officials now working with the government. The body is officially known as the Higher Committee for the Preservation of Civil Peace.

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Committee members and beneficiaries alike described a tentative and controversial effort to win the loyalty of Alawites, many of whom lived in poverty under al-Assad despite enjoying advantages in public employment due to their sectarian affiliation. Securing their loyalty could help the new government strengthen its control and demonstrate progress toward President Ahmad al-Shar’a’s pledge to serve all Syrians.

The initiative is led by former commanders from both sides of Syria’s 14-year war. It provides financial aid, jobs and medical services to hundreds of Alawites, including dozens who receive amnesty in exchange for pledges not to fight again or to help dissuade others from taking up arms.

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Responding to questions for this report, Hassan Soufan, a member of the Higher Committee for Civil Peace, said the government was trying to balance its efforts toward the Alawites with broader national needs, including those of Sunnis harmed by al-Assad’s rule.

“There is a balance we must achieve,” he said in an interview, “to make sure everyone feels fairly treated.”

Soufan acknowledged public anger over cooperation between the new authorities and members of the security establishment of the ousted dictator, but said the Syrian leadership takes a broader view.

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“The Syrian people must move forward,” he said. “That does not mean accepting the major crimes that took place. Those responsible must be held accountable. But the vast majority of Syrians are innocent.” Deeb was one of the beneficiaries of this conciliatory approach.

He denied taking part in violence during the March uprising, saying he only mediated and even helped save dozens of security officers held hostage by gunmen, negotiating their release. A government official familiar with his mediation efforts confirmed his account.

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Speaking from a café he opened in Qardaha, al-Assad’s hometown, with committee funds, Deeb said: “I decided to do something for the future.”

During a visit arranged by the committee, media outlets found that the café attracts students, job seekers and older residents. It enabled Deeb to earn enough to get

engaged — something he could not have done under al-Assad — and he now plans to have children.

“I only want girls,” he said. “They’re kinder and prettier… boys always want to carry weapons.”

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Those running the committee themselves have wartime backgrounds. Soufan, a Sunni from Latakia, is a former opposition commander. Khaled al-Ahmad — who once helped al-Assad regain territory through surrender deals before falling out with him and eventually backing al-Shar’a, a childhood friend — is also involved.

Al-Ahmad’s man on the ground is Fadi Saqr, an Alawite who led the notorious pro-Assad National Defense Forces militia, accused by human rights groups of massacres, looting and abuses. The United States and the European Union sanctioned Saqr for his role in wartime atrocities.

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Saqr denied involvement in the crimes in comments to Reuters but refused to answer further questions. Soufan admitted that the government cooperates with Saqr, saying he helped prevent bloodshed when al-Assad fell.

That cooperation drew criticism of the committee, with some calling it a superficial attempt by the new authorities to cement their rule while allowing notorious regime figures to escape accountability.

Osama Othman — who helped leak thousands of photographs more than a decade ago, known as the “Caesar files,” of detainees who died in al-Assad’s prisons — said: “Who are you to forgive those who killed our children in the most horrific ways? And instead, you turn them into symbols of civil peace.”

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The government says candidates for amnesty are vetted to ensure that no one responsible for serious wartime crimes is pardoned. But the process itself remains opaque.

The Syrian Network for Human Rights argues that the committee’s power to grant amnesty and release detainees undermines transparency, accountability and judicial independence.

Gregory Waters, a senior fellow with the Syria Program at the Atlantic Council, said Saqr’s efforts “have significantly contributed to maintaining an appearance of peace, but they have not gone far enough in calming fears or building trust among locals compared with other grassroots initiatives.”

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Many Alawites — including hard-liners — oppose the committee’s work, viewing cooperation with the Islamist-leaning authorities as outright betrayal. People associated with the committee say they understand they could be targeted by Alawite gunmen. An Alawite parliamentary candidate was assassinated.

While Reuters was covering the committee’s work in al-Daliya, a remote mountain village where the March uprising began, an anti-government Alawite Facebook page claimed Saqr had brought journalists there as part of “dirty schemes.” A car with tinted windows followed reporters out of the village before eventually being warned off by a government patrol.

Saqr was not present during the media visit, but members of his civil peace team stayed close to the interviews. Reuters later contacted the residents by phone.

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Some Alawites initially saw al-Assad’s fall last year as an opportunity for their impoverished community. Tens of thousands of former soldiers signed temporary settlement deals with the new government and handed over their weapons.

But feelings of marginalization and fear surged after mass dismissals and Alawite deaths in the months that followed. The coastal events of March deepened mistrust of al-Shar’a, who once led Jabhat al-Nusra, al-Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate, before breaking with the group.

Tartous Governor Ahmad al-Shami said the committee had granted general amnesty to at least 50 Alawites linked to the coastal events as a goodwill gesture.

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“We told them: you acted rashly and recklessly. We will be compassionate,” he said. “Just as we began with reconciliation, we will give you a second chance to prove you’re on the right path.”

A committee official said hundreds of al-Assad-era soldiers arrested after his ouster had been released, and more than 90 family visits arranged for thousands of other detainees.

A mother of three imprisoned former soldiers said she was able to visit one of them in September, with travel costs covered by the committee. Seeing him behind glass pained her deeply, she said, and she was only allowed to give him underwear.

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According to al-Shami and a statement by security leaders in Latakia and Tartous, amnestied fighters provide information about people possibly planning attacks, help locate hidden caches of light weapons and ammunition, and discourage others from fighting.

After a reconciliation agreement in April, one former Saqr fighter obtained a carpentry job. Though he said he still wanted revenge for Alawite bloodshed, he admitted that no one wanted to fight anymore.

“People are exhausted,” he said. “They just want safety and to feed their children.”

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Alawite residents along the coast say efforts remain too limited to address the massive damage left by the coastal events, not to mention widespread poverty and ongoing insecurity. Soufan acknowledged financial constraints.

“There’s a broad segment we simply can’t reach because of the economic situation,” he said. “It’s closer to a symbolic solution that calms the atmosphere and corrects it.”

More than nine months after the violence, the committee says it has repaired fewer than 10 percent of roughly a thousand damaged homes.

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Osama Tweer, a 32-year-old Alawite from rural Jableh, said 13 of his family’s homes were burned and their livestock stolen in March. The committee has not located two missing relatives. Repairs began on some homes but then stopped altogether.

Fear of renewed violence keeps people away from his workshop, slashing his income. “After six o’clock… even if my brother comes and knocks on the door, I don’t open,” he said.

Recent Alawite protests highlighted the challenges facing the committee.

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On December 28, thousands of Alawites chanted for decentralization and the release of detainees. Their protest lasted only an hour before a pro-government rally emerged. Security forces dispersed it with gunfire, as they had during a similar protest the previous month.

Authorities have begun public trials over the March violence, seen as a real test of accountability in the new Syria.

Wael Hassan, a 59-year-old farmer whose burned home the committee pledged to rebuild, told Reuters there is still a long way to go before all Syrian communities can live together without fear.

“We are still far from civil peace,” he said. “But inside, we are ready — if justice and the law exist, everything will end.”

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