Moussa Hilal Adds to Complications of War in Sudan
Tribal leader and head of the “Revolutionary Awakening Council” Moussa Hilal’s announcement to join the Sudanese army has raised significant concerns about the complexities it could introduce to the already dire situation in Darfur, a region witnessing escalating unrest exacerbated further by the current war. Amidst grave concerns over the peril of tribal alignments in a region where ethnic dimension has been a prime igniter of conflict, resulting in over 87 armed movements, reports indicate the presence of over two million weapons among inhabitants belonging to over 30 tribal groups.
Hilal leads the Mahamid tribe, one of three branches comprising the Rizeigat tribe, to which Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo “Hemetti,” leader of the Rapid Support Forces, third branch, belongs.
Local media also alleged an agreement between army leadership and Moussa Hilal to incorporate his forces into fighting alongside the army in the current war, in exchange for financial benefits and positions in the forthcoming government. However, several leaders of local administrations and princes of the Mahamid tribe rejected Moussa Hilal’s decision, stating that he represents only himself.
Mahamid princes held a press conference in El Geneina, capital of West Darfur State, on Tuesday, to disavow Moussa Hilal’s statements.
Prince Sunusi Al Tahir Karshoum stated that the Mahamid had suffered greatly from the army’s war. Meanwhile, Prince Abdelrahman Kabro said, “As Mahamid, we did not authorize Moussa Hilal to speak on our behalf,” adding, “We represent over 75% of the Rapid Support Forces. How can we join an army controlled by radical Islamic groups that kill our sons and represent them?”
In 2003, Hilal sided with the central government in Khartoum against rebel movements in Darfur. However, since 2006, Hilal has been listed on the United Nations Security Council’s sanctions list for organizing and coordinating the Janjaweed militias, accused by the West of committing war crimes in Darfur and targeting people of African descent.
In January 2008, al-Bashir appointed him as an advisor to the federal government minister, describing him as a Sudanese citizen and a highly influential figure in Darfur.
By 2015, disagreements emerged between Hilal and the government due to Hemetti‘s rapid rise. From mid-2017, tensions between Hilal and Hemetti escalated unprecedentedly, until the government arrested him at the end of that year after he refused a government decision to merge the Border Guard Forces – which he largely led – with the Rapid Support Forces, led by Hemetti.
Over the past two years, relations between Hemetti and Hilal have relatively improved neutrally, prompting him to adopt a neutral stance since the war’s outset. However, the recent change has been surprising to many observers.
Growing Fears and Complications
Fears mount as the war zone expands into Darfur and other regions of the country, fearing that the growing tribal alignment may lead to further complications in Darfur and transform the war into a civil conflict that is difficult to control.
The ousted regime of Omar al-Bashir relied on local tribal leaders that included groups specialized in armed looting and intimidation, forming the core of the militias created by Moussa Hilal at the onset of the Darfur war in 2003, resulting in the deaths and displacement of approximately 3 million people, with many cases of torture, murder, and rape.
Due to the massive funding he received from the al-Bashir government, estimated in billions of dollars, and his dominance over thousands of tribal militia members subordinate to him, Hilal gained strong influence in the region, and it is believed that he personally led organized attacks against civilians in several regions of the area, causing killings, rapes, and looting that claimed the lives of thousands of innocent civilians, mostly women and children.
There is widespread belief in close collaboration between Moussa Hilal and Ali Muhammad Ali Abd al-Rahman, known as “Kushayb,” currently on trial at the International Criminal Court in The Hague for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur, alongside a list including al-Bashir, who ruled Sudan from 1989 until April 2019 when a popular revolution erupted in December 2018.
Darfur activist Adam Muhammad points to “the involvement of Moussa Hilal’s forces in numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity,” placing him legally as the leader of that group created by the al-Bashir regime to carry out an ethnic cleansing agenda in the region.
Adam Muhammad adds, “The crimes committed by the Hilal group cannot be separated from the nature of other tribal militias that were primarily highwaymen and groups specialized in armed looting.” However, Hilal has repeatedly denied any responsibility for the atrocities, stating that he facilitated tribal men’s defense of their lands after a governmental call for popular defense against “rebels.”
Harm to the Army
Sources confirmed that several army leaders refused to give Hilal’s group an independent status within army movements, expressing fears of violations due to common tribal affiliations and resulting complications. Some also expressed concerns that Hilal’s forces’ presence would further weaken the army’s stance vis-à-vis the international community, given its listing on the United Nations Security Council sanctions list.
If the army decides to reintegrate Moussa Hilal, this means a violation of United Nations Security Council resolutions, which would have multiple legal ramifications for the Sudanese army.
Abdel Salam explains that the Security Council imposed sanctions on Hilal under paragraph 3 of the Council’s resolution, meaning he was convicted of involvement in serious crimes in Darfur.”
He adds, “Legally, it is not permissible to deal with Hilal because it will have a negative impact on Sudan’s foreign relations.”
Lawyer El Moez Hadra expresses surprise at the army’s acceptance of cooperation with Moussa Hilal’s group, considering it a continuation of the mentality of reproducing militias that he believes caused tremendous harm to the country and its social fabric.
El Moez Hadra states, “Hilal’s joining the army, despite his condemnation by the United Nations Security Council, will cause significant legal harm to the army and place it in a new isolation that may hinder international cooperation with it and close legal avenues for arming, which is extremely dangerous.”
