At first, they hid their remnants around the corner of events before descending to the streets, within a burnt-out tactic seeking to reposition themselves through political gains from crises.
The recent appearance of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood is not considered new or surprising. The step was preceded by earlier attempts in April last year, through widespread sabotage operations and looting of citizens’ homes and company headquarters and factories.
When the henchmen of the ousted president, Omar al-Bashir, failed to achieve their goal, some leaders in the states incited fighting and war, exploiting the crisis to ignite a wave of anger and widespread dissatisfaction.
Many are concerned that the fugitive Muslim Brotherhood leaders, whom Sudanese refer to as “Al-Kaizan,” are taking advantage of the current worsening situation. They fear that the conflict between the army and the Rapid Support Forces will be further intensified, with assassinations paving the way for their return to power.
Reports suggest that leaders of the dissolved National Congress Party (the former ruling regime), including Ahmed Haroun and Awad al-Jaz, met with party members and movement leaders in the state of Kassala in eastern Sudan. They are planning tours in several cities in the eastern and central regions.
Other reports indicate undisclosed tours by Ali Karti, Nafie Ali Nafie, and Al-Fateh Ezzeddin, all of whom were detained in connection with various cases.
On April 25 last year, just days after the conflict began between the army and the “Rapid Support Forces,” the leaders of the former regime, led by Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, Ahmed Haroun, Nafie Ali Nafie, and Awad al-Jaz, left Kober Prison in Khartoum after the authorities decided to release the detainees following a massive protest led by detainees due to a lack of gas and water.
Haroun, the former head of the National Congress Party, said in a voice message at the time that they made their own decision to take responsibility for their own protection amid the intensifying armed clashes that were raging around them.
Ahmed Haroun, who was also wanted by the International Criminal Court and was detained since 2019, faces various charges, including a report on the fatwa to kill protesters and other war crimes related to the Darfur region.
Nafie Ali Nafie, Awad al-Jaz, and Ali Osman are also being tried in the June 30 coup case, along with military personnel and first-tier leaders of the Islamic movement that planned the coup that overthrew the democratic government in 1989.
A Call for “Jihad” Yasir Arman, the leader of the Sudanese People’s Movement (Revolutionary Democratic Stream), said in a tweet on Twitter, “Kassala (eastern Sudan) has become a center for the leaders of the remnants hiding in the remote areas, calling for ‘Jihad,’ led by al-Jaz, Haroun, and Haj Majid.”
He added that “their slogan is ‘the countries of the river and the sea are ours, and the rest of Sudan if possible.’ They work to expand the circle of war, prolong its duration, and increase the suffering of the people.”
On the other hand, Osman Al-Mirghani, a leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (Original), said, “Our people in eastern Sudan should pay close attention because something is secretly brewing, and what happened in 2019-2021 is not far.”
Mirghani wrote on his official Facebook page, “But this time the consequences will be dire, and the results will be destructive for what remains of the social fabric of eastern Sudan, torn apart in a state of (no state), the disintegration of the center of power, and the noise of the drums of discord and its tumult.”
Amazement and Astonishment
A statement issued by the spokesperson for the Prosecution Authority in the June 30 coup case, Muaz Hadrat, said, “The appearance of the accused in the June 30 coup case in some states under the control of the army and their call for senseless war under the sight and hearing of the army and the remaining police is astonishing and bewildering.”
The police and military intelligence were urged to arrest the accused wanted for justice and hand them over to the nearest police station or prosecution. The statement threatened to take legal action against any prosecutor or police officer who appeared in their jurisdiction and did not take the required legal actions against them.
Military intelligence was accused of “arresting political activists among civilians who call for an end to the war in various states controlled by the Sudanese army, while rejecting the arrest of leaders of the ousted regime who fled from justice.”
It is worth noting that the ousted president, Omar al-Bashir, and his aides Abdul Rahim Mohammed Hussein and Bakri Hassan Saleh are being held at the Alia Hospital, which is part of the Sudanese Medical Corps in the city of Omdurman, west of the capital, Khartoum.
On its part, the Rapid Support Forces, led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” said in a statement that “the activities of the leaders of the fallen regime and their movements in several states are carried out under the protection of the coup forces in military intelligence and the General Intelligence Agency, and are funded by state governments,” according to the statement.
The statement clarified that “the call of the leaders of the fallen regime to mobilize support for the army is clear evidence that the ongoing war is part of a grand plan between the fallen regime and army leaders to restore their authority.”
Organizing a Coup
On July 21, 2020, the first trial sessions of Omar al-Bashir began, along with others, facing charges, including organizing a coup and undermining the constitutional system.
In May 2019, Sudanese lawyers filed a legal complaint with the Attorney General in Khartoum against Omar al-Bashir and his associates for the same charges. The prosecutor’s office initiated an investigation into the case in the same month.
In addition to Omar al-Bashir, the accused include members of the People’s Congress Party (founded by the late Islamist leader Hassan al-Turabi), such as Ali al-Haj, Ibrahim al-Sanousi, Omar Abdelmaarouf, as well as former officials from the previous regime, including Ali Osman, Nafie Ali Nafie, Awad Al-Jaz, and Ahmed Mohamed Ali Al-Fashashia.
On June 30, 1989, Omar al-Bashir carried out a military coup against the government of Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi, assuming leadership of the National Salvation Revolution Council. In the same year, he became the president of the country.
After being ousted by the military on April 11, 2019, following three decades in power, Omar al-Bashir was imprisoned in Kober Central Prison, north of Khartoum.
Incitement of Tribes Political analyst Amir Babikir believes that since the era of Omar al-Bashir’s rule, his policy aimed to sow discord among social components to maintain power. He prioritized tribal values over the state and worked to foster certain tribes at the expense of others. He also sought to infiltrate and divide political forces.
The journey of the Brotherhood from Sudan and Chad towards Niger to join the ranks of Al-Qaeda and ISIS
Babikir states, “After the regime’s fall, its leaders had no choice but to feed on tribal incitement and social components against each other. They attempted to erect barricades against the transitional government to prevent it from achieving its goals, reaching its peak with the attempt by Omar al-Bashir’s regime’s Security Committee, which took control of the government after the regime’s fall, to carry out a coup on October 25, 2021.”
He continues, “They continued trying to return to power by reigniting tribal conflicts in the country after the coup attempt failed. They concluded it by playing the last card, which is igniting war between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces, hoping that this would bring them back to the forefront with strength.”
Babikir concludes, “However, these attempts will ultimately fail in the face of the will of parties with an interest in peace, stability, and a democratic civilian government, even though they worsen the suffering of citizens. They will not last long and will not succeed.”
Displacement and Evacuation of the Sudanese People
In the first six months of the war, nearly 6 million people were forced to flee their homes. There are approximately 4.5 million internally displaced people in Sudan, including around 105,000 pregnant women. Over 1.2 million people sought refuge from the ongoing fighting in neighboring countries like the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, and South Sudan. Nearly nine out of every ten displaced persons are women and children.
Exploitation and Sexual Violence
Women and girls have struggled to access reproductive health services and life-saving protection. About 80% of hospitals in conflict-affected areas are out of service. In regions like Khartoum, Darfur, and Kordofan, less than a third of healthcare facilities operate at full capacity. All states in Sudan report a severe shortage of medicines and supplies, including essential maternal health drugs. In neighboring countries, infrastructure and basic services are of poor quality, and the flow of people seeking refuge is exhausting.
Sexual violence and gender-based violence have had a devastating impact on women and girls, as access to protection and support is extremely limited in Sudan and border areas. The risks of exploitation and sexual assault are heightened for women and children living in temporary shelters or overcrowded displacement sites.
The United Nations Population Fund coordinates efforts with national governments, state governments, and humanitarian partners to enhance support and essential services related to reproductive health, prevent gender-based violence, and respond to it in areas with large numbers of internally displaced persons in Sudan and in reception or displacement sites in neighboring countries. This includes deploying midwives and mobile teams and providing capacity-building for emergency maternal health care and protection for displaced women and girls.